For this
course, the following periods of Roman history provide a sufficient
chronological framework:
Augustus 30 B.C. to 14 A.D. (all dates hereafter
are "A.D.")
Julio-Claudian 14 to 69
[69 is the year of four emperors]
Flavian (Vespasian, Titus, Domitian) 69 to 96
[96-98 is the brief reign of Nerva]
Trajan 98-117
Hadrian 117-138
Antonine 138-193
Severan 193-235
"Barracks Emperors" (frequent coups) 235-284
Diocletian 284-305
Constantine sole emperor 312-337
Julio-Claudian 14 to 69
[69 is the year of four emperors]
Flavian (Vespasian, Titus, Domitian) 69 to 96
[96-98 is the brief reign of Nerva]
Trajan 98-117
Hadrian 117-138
Antonine 138-193
Severan 193-235
"Barracks Emperors" (frequent coups) 235-284
Diocletian 284-305
Constantine sole emperor 312-337
(A)From Augustus through Hadrian.
As the emperor
Augustus and his artistic advisors had the poet Vergil produce a Roman epic,
the Aeneid, to emulate the Greek Iliad, so they had their sculptors
create official art intended to emulate Athenian art of the age of Perikles,
taking classical art to express stability and justice under the Pax
Augusta. Thus Roman imperial art
began with a classical revival with a political message, propagating the new
emperor's peace platform, rather than with a simple continuation of the
advanced Hellenistic mixed styles; considered as imperial propaganda, the
latter would convey mixed messages, recalling not only the Ptolemies and
notions of divine kingship but, nearer home, Julius Caesar and Sulla and Pompey
the Great. The Augustan art
program was carefully thought out, and, although late Hellenistic historicism
(see above) was a requisite antecedent to it, Augustan classicism was something
new and thoroughgoing, affecting all the arts. At the same time, the conquest of Egypt just completed
caused a flurry of Egyptianizing (a Roman version of Ptolemaic Egyptian
art). The important idea is that
Roman imperial art begins by radically politicizing a certain style of art and
with the assumption that art exists (i) for state propaganda and (ii) for
private luxury. In the second
category, Roman patrons liked much the same decorative arts and genre pieces
and copies of famous masterpieces as their Greek-speaking counterparts:
Julio-Claudian
art continues what Augustus had begun, but it is noticeably less austere and/or
less exquisite. Under Nero Roman
architecture begins to exhibit the revolutionary combination of engineering and
design that makes Roman architecture basic to all subsequent western
architecture; the surviving parts of Nero's Golden House (palace) show that his
architects were among the most original that the world has known. Wall paintings from the Golden House
show that the so-called Fourth Style of Pompeian wall decoration had begun to
be popular by the last years of his reign, i.e., in the 60s A.D.
The eruption of
Vesuvius occurred at the end of Vespasian's reign, in A.D. 79; nothing at
Pompeii, Herculaneum, or Boscoreale can be later than that year.
Flavian art begins by redefining the Roman Empire through its art; as opposed to Nero's portraiture, that of Vespasian is unsparing in its homeliness and verism, saying more plainly than words that Vespasian foreswore Neronian profligacy. Few portraits of Titus are from his short reign; he was more important as his father's right hand man during Vespasian's ten years; from the Roman point of view, putting down the uprising in Judaea in A.D. 70 was as obviously right as "Desert Storm" seemed to us, although sacking the Temple in Jerusalem was both unwise and insensitive, reminding the Jews of Antiochos IV, the Seleucid king of the 2nd century B.C. Titus's younger brother, Domitian, had the longest rule of the Flavians, and seems to have been among the most vicious monarchs of all time, but he was a great builder. He completed the Flavian Amphitheater, begun by his father, erected the fine Arch of Titus to commemorate his brother's victory in Judaea, and built the great palace on the Palatine Hill (the word "palace" comes from the name of the Hill), in which all emperors lived right down to the fifth century A.D. The Palace is too complicated to study in this course but must be mentioned, because so many influential innovations were made by its architects. By the last years of Domitian's reign, imperial portraiture at the court had reached the style nicknamed "Flavian Baroque" because it had come so far from the plain statement of Vespasian's portraits (or, for that matter, the intellectually pure classicism of Augustus's).
Flavian art begins by redefining the Roman Empire through its art; as opposed to Nero's portraiture, that of Vespasian is unsparing in its homeliness and verism, saying more plainly than words that Vespasian foreswore Neronian profligacy. Few portraits of Titus are from his short reign; he was more important as his father's right hand man during Vespasian's ten years; from the Roman point of view, putting down the uprising in Judaea in A.D. 70 was as obviously right as "Desert Storm" seemed to us, although sacking the Temple in Jerusalem was both unwise and insensitive, reminding the Jews of Antiochos IV, the Seleucid king of the 2nd century B.C. Titus's younger brother, Domitian, had the longest rule of the Flavians, and seems to have been among the most vicious monarchs of all time, but he was a great builder. He completed the Flavian Amphitheater, begun by his father, erected the fine Arch of Titus to commemorate his brother's victory in Judaea, and built the great palace on the Palatine Hill (the word "palace" comes from the name of the Hill), in which all emperors lived right down to the fifth century A.D. The Palace is too complicated to study in this course but must be mentioned, because so many influential innovations were made by its architects. By the last years of Domitian's reign, imperial portraiture at the court had reached the style nicknamed "Flavian Baroque" because it had come so far from the plain statement of Vespasian's portraits (or, for that matter, the intellectually pure classicism of Augustus's).
Hadrian's
reign, with hindsight, seems pivotal in Roman art history. He takes up where Trajan leaves off,
even employing the same architect/engineer, Apollodorus of Damascus, and, like
Trajan, he was a very competent and conscientious emperor. But, unlike any previous emperor, he
was a philhellene, and he liked to travel, and he was an amateur architect and
poet. He probably designed the Pantheon
himself, but he certainly didn't do the engineering of it. He probably had a large part in the
laying out of his villa at Tivoli (ancient Tibur) with all its philosophical
allusions; the villa is replete with original architectural ideas. The sculpture of his reign reflects his
firsthand acquaintance with Greek art, obtained through his travels. Hadrianic classicism is far more
romantic than Augustan, and its message is personal rather than propagandistic,
but also it is based more on the Greek art of Athens and Asia Minor of his own
time than on Athenian art of the fifth century B.C.; he and his Athenian banker
friend Herodes Atticus endowed Athens with new buildings and restored old ones.
********
[A 329] In the Woman from Vasciano [A 319], we
already saw in full measure Augustan sculptors' skill in vying with Classical
drapery and in the Man from Delos [MA 73] and L'Arringatore [A 327] the
remarkable realism of Late Hellenistic portraiture.
The Roman Patrician Holding the Busts of his Ancestors is a perfect example of the synthesis achieved by the best sculptors working for the Imperial family and the upper class during the reign of Augustus, although it must be noted that the principal head, although ancient and of this period or hardly earlier, does not belong to the body (it was joined to it by a restorer long ago). It should be noted that the folds of the toga (now a full, long toga) have less relief and body than the Classical drapery folds that inspired them. That the man holds the busts reflects the Roman tradition of keeping busts (often based on masks made from the face at the time of death or in life) of one's ancestors in a shrine in the house; it is part of Roman pietas. The sculptor even observed the style of the busts of father and grandfather; the one held higher is like portraits of the time of Pompey, in the middle of the first century B.C, and the one above the palm tree trunk is in a style going back to the time of Sulla, or even L'Arringatore.
The Roman Patrician Holding the Busts of his Ancestors is a perfect example of the synthesis achieved by the best sculptors working for the Imperial family and the upper class during the reign of Augustus, although it must be noted that the principal head, although ancient and of this period or hardly earlier, does not belong to the body (it was joined to it by a restorer long ago). It should be noted that the folds of the toga (now a full, long toga) have less relief and body than the Classical drapery folds that inspired them. That the man holds the busts reflects the Roman tradition of keeping busts (often based on masks made from the face at the time of death or in life) of one's ancestors in a shrine in the house; it is part of Roman pietas. The sculptor even observed the style of the busts of father and grandfather; the one held higher is like portraits of the time of Pompey, in the middle of the first century B.C, and the one above the palm tree trunk is in a style going back to the time of Sulla, or even L'Arringatore.
[A 418] The most famous, most perfectly
preserved Augustan portrait is the Primaporta
Augustus, so called because it was found at the Villa of Livia (Augustus's
empress) at Primaporta, a suburb of Rome.
The creation of this portrait type probably commemorated the recovery of
the Roman Legionary Standards from the Parthians (centered in Iran), who had
hurt Roman pride by capturing them in a battle shortly before the Principate of
Augustus (it was called the Principate, because Augustus styled himself
"princeps inter pares", first among equals, a contradiction in terms
designed to deny that he was making himself anything like a Hellenistic
King). The delivery of the
Standards by the Parthians is represented in relief on the breastplate of his
armor, and his outstretched arm combined with his wearing armor means that he
is shown as Imperator, Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces. He also became Consul, the most
important civil office of the Roman Republic, and Pontifex Maximus, Chief Priest
of the Roman State. What the
assumption of all these titles came to mean in western culture is shown by our
words, Prince, Emperor, and Pontifex (the title of the Bishop of Rome, the
Pope, in Latin). To strengthen the
supporting leg (which here has to support the extra weight of all that drapery)
the sculptor used a winged baby Eros on a dolphin; that doesn't seem very
military, but this statue dates from the time when the poet Vergil was creating
a myth for the Roman Empire in his great Aeneid:
Eros refers to his mother, the goddess Aphrodite (Latin Venus), who via specious descent from Troy was made
divine ancestress of the Julian clan, to which, through adoption by Julius
Caesar, Augustus belonged. It is
hard to imagine that the Roman public did not grasp that the man who was given
a divine ancestress was indeed heir to all the Hellenistic kings, as Rome was
heir to all their kingdoms.
Hellenistic rulers, however, were often shown in heroic nudity; Roman emperors,
except for egregiously megalomaniac types later, are not; it is even
remarkably "Greek" (to the Romans, that meant "effete") for
Augustus to be shown barefoot, rather than in army boots, so it is surely
symbolic of some aspect of his "divine destiny". It is important to remember that this idea
of divinity, which the Greeks and Romans got from conquering Egypt, is nothing
like the Judaeo-Christian or Moslem idea of the divinity of God. Although armed, Augustus is bareheaded,
too; this is the Commander in Chief as a man of peace; the Pax Romana had just
been proclaimed. In other words,
we are meant to read this statue like a book, almost as we did the Palette of
Narmer, and part of the message is the new style. The pose is a variant of the Spearbearer by Polykleitos (but
with the legs farther apart and a smaller head, which are due to this coming at
the end of Hellenistic developments), and the portrait head is a skillful
combination of Polykleitos with a portrait of Augustus, such as we see on his
earliest coins. As the Syllabus
says, now, for the first time, a very carefully devised eclectic style is
formed (by extremely knowledgeable and skillful artists) for specific
propaganda: the Pax Romana is a new Classic Age. Never mind that real politics in the age of Perikles were
rather messy.
[MA 79] The Portland Vase is another
example of this kind of classicism, combining their understanding of
fifth-century idealism with elements of Hellenistic accomplishments from the
intervening centuries, the whole being cooler and more detached in feeling than
any of its models. It is private
art, not public propaganda, but it is a rare masterpiece and may well have been
made for a member of the imperial family or one of their friends. Cameo
glass, yes, is a substitute for real cameo (naturally occurring layered
stone, whose white surface can be carved away), but it is not used for
cheapness. Natural cameo is more
or less flat, impossible for a vase.
Cameo glass is extremely rare.
Into a mold coated with opaque white glass the glassblower blew the dark
glass to make the vessel; then an artist, probably one trained as a gem cutter
and die engraver (for coins), carved away the white overlay just as he would do
with natural cameo; where only very thin white remained, the black shows
through and makes shading in the figures.
The Portland Vase is the finest example of this art. The subject matter is idyllic and
ideal, vague enough that modern art historians do not all agree in detail as to
what it represents.
[MA 6] [MA 51]
[A 332] The Ara Pacis Augustae (Altar of Augustan Peace) is a dated monument, begun in 13 B.C. and dedicated in 9
B.C. It is imperial propaganda to
the nth degree, twice, since
Mussolini had it reconstructed in the 1930's in a deliberate attempt to
identify with the Augustan idea: Peace and Prosperity. Its present site is not its original
one (which wasn't available); it now stands on the bank of the Tiber, off the
Corso. Augustus's reign terminated
a century and a half of intermittent civil war, as the Roman Republic broke
under the strain of inheriting Hellenistic power, wealth, and responsibilities;
the Pax Romana would, in fact, last for two centuries, a world order based on
due process of law and equitable taxation (not that abuses did not occur)
guaranteed by disciplined military organizations (the army wasn't its own
boss). The Ara Pacis proclaims the
Pax Romana. It is one of those
architecturally enclosed altars, the altar proper inside and elevated, as you
see in the general view; unlike the Pergamon Altar of Zeus, it has no colonnade;
instead, it resembles the fifth-century Altar of the Twelve Gods (also called
"Altar of Peace") in the Athenian Agora, which, significantly was a
place of asylum (if you just could get to it, you were safe). The non-figural decoration on the Ara
Pacis Augustae is very beautiful: swags of branches and fruit tied with ribbons
on the interior of the walls and, on the exterior below the figured panels, the
most elegant and delicately executed plant-and-scroll work imaginable. The whole structure is of fine
marble. The figured panels on the
long sides (on either side of the entrance and in the corresponding positions
on the back, where the Tellus panel is) are in a pictorial style very similar to what we
saw in cameo glass on the Portland Vase.
The Processions on the sides are inspired specifically by the
Panathenaic Procession frieze on the Parthenon in Athens, but they produce a
very different effect. The figure
of Tellus mothering two babies (like Charity in Christian art later) is based
on the goddesses of the Parthenon, particularly by the Artemis in the east
frieze, but the illusionistically carved plants and rocks (as delicate as the schiacciato reliefs of the Early
Renaissance in Florence) were unknown before Hellenistic art (the use of female
figures, personifications, to embody the meaning of abstract nouns we saw first
in the Eirene and Ploutos by Kephisodotos of 370 B.C.). The female on the bird is a land
breeze, on the sea monster a sea breeze; their billowing cloaks show that they
are wafted on the breezes they personify.
The overturned pitcher is sources of sweet water, the cow and sheep
stand for contented herds yielding milk, cheese, leather, wool. Peace makes it possible. The propaganda may be obvious, but the
extremely skilled artist has not allowed it to compromise his work. Most specialists believe that the
sculptors hired to carve the Ara Pacis were in fact Athenians. (The Sleeping Endymion, [A 306], that
we already studied as an example of neo-Attic pictorial relief is not so fine,
quite, as the Tellus, but the same kind of thing). The Processions on the Ara Pacis differ in important and
significant traits from the Parthenon's Panathenaic Procession: (a) the
foreground figures are recognizable portraits of living persons, members of
Augustus's family and administration and (b) to keep all the important people
up front and recognizable, and not too much overlapped by other important
people, the figures are so crowded that we can't see through the crowd for a
sense of breathing room; in the Parthenon frieze, even where we have horsemen
four abreast, there are planned gaps where we see the background, and it is so
carved that we feel that it represents space, light, and air. It is the price that they pay for the
political value. For the portraits
are very individual; we easily recognize Augustus and his son-in-law Agrippa,
his right-hand man.
[MB 43] We already saw the portrait of Augustus
from the empress Livia's villa at Primaporta. Now, as an example of Augustan imperial
interior design, we have the Garden Room
from that villa. It is not the
only garden room in existence; there are several at Pompeii, but Livia's is
best. It is a variant of a 2nd
Style megalography wall (cf. Villa of the Mysteries); instead of an architectural
framework you have a landscape architecture framework. Represented at the bottom of the
fresco, so closest to us, is a light garden fence made of wicker, perhaps (it
also is a psychological definition of where real room space ends and imaginary
space begins). Then, represented as
if about six feet back, is a marble barrier, painted to look like the
kind of carved marble parapet that we saw on the upper storey of the Stoa of
Attalos in Athens; at intervals a recess is represented, so the white wall won't
feel like a boring, confining white stripe, and a tree is shown planted in each
recess. Then, as if
behind the white wall, is a richly varied untrimmed natural seeming garden (of
course, in nature, you can't have plants in flower and in fruit at the same
time, as here!). All the spaces
between the recognizable plants (botanists have a field day here) are filled
with plant-like brushwork, so that the garden seems endless (it works the same
way as the army in the Alexander Mosaic).
The idea is to make a small, stuffy room psychologically cool, fragrant,
green, and unconfined.
[B 12] It was
at the beginning of Augustus's principate that the last Hellenistic kingdom,
Cleopatra's Ptolemaic-dynasty Egypt, fell to Rome in 30 B.C.; coins were
issued, with a crocodile (for the Nile) and the legend AEGYPTA CAPTA on the
reverse. Very soon thereafter a
new style of wall decoration appeared, first in houses owned by persons close
to the emperor. It is called the
3rd Style; for a couple of decades it coexists with the 2nd. It is exquisite, spindly, favoring
miniature motifs; some of these motifs, such as sphinxes and lotuses, are
Egyptian. We suspect that the 3rd
Style is a Roman version of Late Ptolemaic interior design (to be sure,
we'd need actual examples in Egypt).
This phenomenon makes us think of all the pseudo-Egyptian motifs in Art
Deco (and clothing fashions and jewelry) following the publication of King
Tutankhamen's tomb in the 1920's.
[G 98] The Romans inherited and developed the
Greek architectural orders along with everything else, but they seldom used
Greek Doric columns. They also had
inherited the Etruscans' cushion capital, and they used a development of it instead,
with its unfluted column shaft; sometimes they combined it with the Greek
triglyph and metope frieze. This
Tuscan Doric is what Renaissance architects saw when they went to Rome, so
until the 18th century (when architects began to travel in Greece) it is what
European architects will use for Doric, too. The Ionic used by architects in Rome usually has both a
frieze (as in Athens) and dentils (as in Ionia); the shaft is often, but not
always, unfluted. Corinthian, as
in the Greek Hellenistic, is similar to Ionic at first, but the Romans felt
freer to develop it in their own way, and even in the first century A.D. it
develops an elaborate cornice.
They also felt free to create the capital we call Composite, having both
Ionic volutes and Corinthian acanthus leaves; in the Late Roman Empire,
Composite can be very elaborate; it also may have figures of humans and animals
placed between the volutes on the capitals, and these figured capitals are the
ancestors of the story-telling capitals of medieval architecture.
[G 74] The Maison Carrée at Nîmes is, of course, neither a house (maison) nor square (carrée), but we do not know the ancient name of the temple, and the
French traditional name is convenient.
It was built when Agrippa was governor of the provincia (thus called Provence in French) and probably reflects
his taste and intelligence in the choice of an architect. It is the perfect traditional Roman
temple, nobly proportioned and beautifully executed, differing from the
"Temple of Fortuna Virilis" built a century or so earlier in Rome in
the greater clarity of its design, in using the Corinthian instead of the Ionic
order, and, being larger, in having six columns across the façade instead of
four, but it is the same kind of temple: religious architecture is
typically conservative. At Pompeii
we saw how the Temple of Jupiter sits at the end of a forum which frames it; so
did this temple (archaeologists have excavated the foundations of the
colonnades of the forum here at Nîmes).
[G 75] [G
93] The Romans did not let towns
grow where roads could not be built to provision them and (in case of invasion)
bring the army in to defend them.
They also made sure that a reliable supply of clean water was available. Aqueducts built all over the Empire,
from Spain to the Middle East, are known--and many of them are still
working! Clean water typically
comes from the hills and mountains.
Buried pipes keep it cool and clean. Roman engineers surveyed carefully and built aqueducts
maintaining a slight, constant slope.
Gravity always works; where they had to, they used siphons. Where a ravine or river seriously
altered the gradient, they built the structures that are visible parts
of the aqueduct systems; where they needed to carry across a road (via) as well as water (aqua) in the same place, the arched
structure would be broad enough in the lower storey to be a combined viaduct
and aqueduct, such as this one, the Pont
du Gard at Nîmes, France. It
is not nearly wide enough for today's fast traffic and "semi" trucks,
but it continued to carry wheeled traffic until about 50 years ago, and it is
still perfectly sound. When this
part of France has its serious Spring floods and the rivers wash out the
bridges, the Pont du Gard stands fast.
Two ideas need to be grasped: (1) the Pont du Gard is the work of
engineers and has no applied architectural orders, but the proportions of its
arches make it very beautiful, and (2) the Romans sensibly build in the
material best for the task that is available; even where hydraulic cement is
available for concrete (and it is not available in southern France),
where weight-bearing capability and durability are essential, they build in
stone (as we shall see in the Colosseum in Rome); structures sensibly
built in stone are not "conservative" but just good engineering. Many specialists think that the Pont du
Gard was built at the same period as the Maison Carrée, under the governorship
of Agrippa. The exact date of the
much longer and more tall-stilted aqueduct at Segovia, Spain, which crosses a
wide valley, is not known; it is simply an aqueduct, since a road can cross a
wide valley on the ground; it still carries water. In a photograph that captures its great length in
perspective it is one of those monuments that make us understand why diverse
peoples were glad to be ruled from Rome.
The Copenhagen, Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek, portrait of the elderly Vespasian. |
[MA 3] [A 335]
[A 334] From his short reign,
79-81, one might think Titus, Vespasian's competent elder son, could not be an
important emperor, but he had been his father's right-hand man. One problem that he had been in charge
of solving gave him a very bad name in Jewish history: his father sent him to
quell an uprising in the province of Judaea in A.D. 70; he did so easily enough
but the army ransacked the very Temple in Jerusalem, recalling the abomination
of Antiochos Epiphanes who had set up his own image in the Temple. Nevertheless, Titus was basically a
sensible and honest general and ruler.
When he died rather young, his brother Domitian, who had not been
groomed to be emperor, succeeded him and ruled until A.D. 96. The stories of vice in high places
during Domitian's reign are extreme, and true, but from the art-historical point
of view he accomplished a lot, not only completing the Colosseum and building
the Palace but having erected the triumphal Arch of Titus, commemorating his brother's triumph (procession)
when he returned to Rome. However
politically insensitive the subject matter from our point of view, both the
Arch and the reliefs of the Sack of
Jerusalem and the Triumphal
Procession are extremely important.
Like the Colosseum, the Arch of Titus was always visible to visitors to
Rome; in the Early Renaissance the design, divided into three parts both
vertically and horizontally (like a tic-tac-toe grid), with the columns framing
the arch and with the entablature of the columnar order tied to the arch (just
as an architrave spans columns, so an
archivolt arches, or jumps,
from impost to impost), raised on a basement and topped by an attic, seemed
like a wonderful design solution, which they used a lot. Painters (and sculptors) were more
interested in the reliefs in the passage.
These are in a vigorously illusionistic relief style of very high
quality, with great play of light and shadow, and they show a crowd in the same
way as the Alexander Mosaic, from a low vantage point. Giotto saw it and used it for the crowd
of soldiers in his "Kiss of Judas" at Padua in 1305/6; Masaccio and
Paolo Uccello used it, too. The
deep shadows and the very low vantage point in the "Spoils of
Jerusalem" make it really suggest a crowd of indefinite depth as the Ara
Pacis reliefs do not really do.
Notice how the arch represented at the right is made to fade into the
background. The relief also shows
us accurately what a menorah
(seven-branched candelabrum) of the period looked like. The "Triumphal Procession"
relief, with Titus in his quadriga (this is where Giotto got the idea of the
spears as evidence of further figures behind those we see, a device that
painters as late as Velasquez in the "Surrender at Breda" use) is
just as powerfully carved, but we also see here for the first time the
incompatibility of Hellenistic illusionism based on empirical scientific
attitudes and the Roman cult of the imperial image: Titus (whose apotheosis on the back of an eagle
bearing him heavenwards is carved at the top of the vault) is the divine
emperor (no matter how certain of his mortal nature he may have been as a
private person), so he cannot be shown in side view, foreshortened, with part
of his features obscured: he is, in short, an icon, an image. It is like the old Egyptian idea of
showing the honored deceased like an eternal statue, all conceptual essence,
free of perceptual accidents, resurfacing in a new form as Roman art begins to
lose its grip on the optics and humanism of the Greek art that it had
inherited. The carving shows that
the sculptor was steeped in the traditions of Hellenistic art, but Imperial
requirements result in compromise.
[A 438] One reason why it is easy to believe
Suetonius's tabloid-like stories of immorality at the court of Domitian is the
total impression made by the portraits of the female members of the royal family
and their friends. Titus's
daughter Julia was her uncle's mistress and set the styles. The unknown woman in the magnificent
portrait in the Capitoline museum (let us call her the Flavian Lady) shows us
those styles, not only in her coiffure of hair not her own piled up on a frame
and made to stay with some sort of ancient mousse but in the tilt of the head
and elongated neck. Obviously, the
Flavian dynasty has changed since Vespasian. As a virtuoso work of sculpture, the Flavian Lady is
brilliant. A new stylistic trait
here is playing off the textured and deeply drilled hair against the highly
polished marble surface of the skin.
This is no ordinary portrait; the features are different from those of
the Flavian women, so I do not doubt that this is one of the friends or woman
attendants of Julia Titi or of Marcia Furnilla. Any female portrait with this coiffure belongs to the years
just before A.D. 100.
[MG 36] [MG
55] In the plan of Trajan's forum,
you see shops encircling the hemicycle at the right; these are just the inner
ring of the first storey of Trajan's
Market, which was built as the great
forum itself was nearing completion, towards the end of his reign. The best preserved of all Trajan's
monuments, it was inhabited (remember Fortuna Primigeneia at Praeneste?) until
a couple of generations ago. It is
gloriously planned and built to last forever. In places, it is still preserved to a height of five
storeys. The dozens of shops in
four storeys behind the hemicycle are only half of it. Shops on both sides of the Via Biberatica (Pepper Street, Spice
Markets Street) behind the apse of the Basilica Ulpia, integrated into the part
around the hemicycle, were built in a straight line; alongside them is the
Market Hall (Aula), where stalls
could be set up on market days, itself with fine, large shops on both sides;
structurally, these shops help to buttress the walls that bear the great groin vault. Further
buttressing is supplied by arches outside, above these shops, where the lines
of the groins come down and meet, concentrating the weight and thrust; these
exterior arches work similarly to the flying buttresses that we shall see in
Gothic cathedrals. A groin vault is created when, in
principle, two equal barrel vaults
intersect at right angles; the groins are the lines of intersection; to
actually build one, the form is built underneath with wood, one square at a
time, and (in Rome) concrete is packed in upon the wooden forms, which are
removed when the concrete is well set (where there was no cement to make
concrete, as in southern France, mortared stone vaults could be laid on the
wooden forms, but, weighing more, they could not easily be made so large). Since Trajan's Aula has never fallen, it could well have inspired later visitors
to Rome. The last time I was in
Rome, it was in use for a sculpture exhibit. Doubtless, you all will have concluded, correctly, that
great shopping malls are not our invention. This is a perfect urban one, with many staircases (for
access from and egress to various points) and covered streets, built up rather
than sprawling, within walking distance of most of the city. It replaced hundreds of shoddily built
stalls on the Quirinal and helped to protect the forum area from the disorders
and fires that were the scourge of the poor neighborhood on the Quirinal. Trajan's Market is built with
brick-faced concrete walls and concrete vaults, as Domitian's palace had been,
as the port city of Ostia was, as Hadrian's Pantheon will be. Roman bricks are very hard and well
fired and are a foot square (double bricks, twice that); to ensure
responsibility for the product, the licensed manufacturers had to stamp every
brick. Since the stamp gave the
year in the reign when the brick was made, the stamps can be useful in dating
construction. The use of these
building materials and techniques goes hand in hand with innovation (it has
been called a revolution) in architecture. The architects now design sculptured spaces (the
solid parts define them) instead of designing colonnaded and walled
boxes of space. The Basilica
Ulpia, a traditional type of building, is designed as a box. Trajan's Markets are of the
revolution. So is Hadrianic
architecture, to which we now turn.
[G 87] [G 100]
[MG 160] [G 88] As Nerva had
adopted Trajan, so Trajan, also without a natural heir, adopted Hadrian, who
ruled from 117-138. Like Trajan,
Hadrian (also born in Spain) was an excellent commander in chief of the armed
forces and a prudent administrator (for which reasons, doubtless, he had been
selected), but, unlike Trajan or most other emperors, he was actively
interested in the arts, philosophy, and literature (some of his poetry
survives). He also was a
Philhellene, with friends in Athens and Asia Minor (he travelled throughout the
empire, not only as a general but as an administrator); the finest Roman
monuments in Athens date from the reign of Hadrian. These facts are relevant to the distinctive art of the
Hadrianic era, because they partly determined his choice of sculptural styles
and of sculptors, which differed from Trajan's, and made him open to
interesting architectural ideas, like Trajan, but he also did some designing
himself. There had been a Pantheon (temple to the planetary gods)
built by Agrippa, Augustus's son-in-law, and bearing his dedicatory
inscription. When Hadrian built a
new one, he retained (in a gesture of respect) Agrippa's inscription but built
an entirely different kind of temple, one uniquely suitable for the planetary
gods. He not only departed from
podium+columns+walls temple formula (retaining the façade as we retain spires
on churches, symbolically) and built of brick-faced concrete, but created a circular-planned
temple in which a perfect sphere will fit, tangent at the center
of the floor, lit by an oculus 20
feet in diameter in the center of the dome. What a perfect symbol for the harmony of the spheres, divine
perfection of the divine mind behind everything, and even the circle of the
zodiac. Canopies in ancient Persia
and Egypt had been the root idea; the canopy or dome had already long been
connotative of divinity. Circles
and spheres, shapes without beginning or end, but a center, are connotative of
infinity and perfection. This is a
unique temple, without design progeny until the Renaissance and later (cf.
Monticello); it does not in any sense replace conventional temple forms,
rectangular or round. But its dome
was inspiring from the moment it was built. The Pantheon has always been a sacred building; it has been
maintained but not restored; today it is a church, with the high altar at the
apse designed for the statue of Jupiter.
The painter Raphael is one of the eminent persons whose tomb is in the
Pantheon (hence the Paris Panthéon built in the 18th century to enshrine
national heroes). The exterior
diameter of the drum is 160', and the walls are 20' thick (with even heavier
foundations more than 20' deep under the walls: if the foundations were to
settle unequally, the strain would bring the dome down), so the interior
diameter = height is 120'. Ribs
and vaulted niches and other clever engineering devices concentrate the weight
and thrust, permitting the alternating round and square niches all around the
interior circle, preventing the oppressive feeling of an unbroken surrounding
wall. The concrete dome not only
has clay pipe ribs (which being hollow also lighten) and is made thinner and
thinner as it rises (thus to reduce total weight, and having less weight to
bear above as it rises) but the concrete recipe contains more and more pumice
as it rises; pumice weakens, but lightens, too. The dome has never developed a major, really scary fault,
not even after an earthquake (Rome, mercifully, has not had major ones like
Pompeii or Corinth). Once there
were gold stars in the coffers (which were cast in the concrete); only the pin
holes for them remain. Almost all
the original colored marble veneer, on the other hand, does remain and the
yellow marble columns, giving us a better idea of the interior of a great Roman
building (public/civic or religious) than any other example can. From season to season, from day to day,
from hour to hour, the moving beam of light falling through the oculus is never
quite the same. Being in the
Pantheon, in my opinion, is the greatest architectural interior experience that
I know; it makes one's consciousness keener and more serene, it heightens and
calms. Human response to the
sphere and the controlled light is remarkable. You can sit all day in the Pantheon and watch the greatest
variety of humanity unconsciously come under its influence. Hadrian himself designed the Pantheon
(we don't know in how much detail; he also had a hand in the design of another
unusual temple and certainly designed his villa at Tivoli), but he was not
trained in engineering and was certainly no contractor, and most specialists
believe that Apollodoros was responsible for the unsurpassable building
solutions to the challenges posed by these new designs. It used to be thought that the
traditional temple façade of the Pantheon might be older, might actually be
from Agrippa's Pantheon, but not only do we now know that the capitals of the
columns and the moldings of the pediment are Hadrianic but when repairs were
being done 50 or so years ago the brick stamps were investigated--and all
the brick in the façade has Hadrianic stamps.
Munich, bust of Antinoos. The boy always looks alike, and most of the portraits are after his Nile death, but the one at Delphi, full length, too, is the finest. |
[A 417] Although there is no record of
unamiable relations between Hadrian and his empress, Sabina, they may have been
less intimate than, for example, relations between Marcus Aurelius and his
empress Faustina the Younger, who lost many children in infancy or early
childhood (RH factor?) but kept having them. Hadrian and Sabina were childless. On his travels, in Bithynia (opposite Byzantion in Asia Minor:
MAP 1), Hadrian met a young man named Antinoos, on whom he doted and whom he
had formally divinized when Antinoos died in a boating accident on the Nile in
A.D. 130. Most of the portraits of
Antinoos are subsequent to that date and show him assimilated to one kind of
divinity or another. For these
portraits as for the copies of famous statues that Hadrian had made for his
villa and the reliefs in roundels that are now on the Arch of Constantine,
Hadrian hired sculptors of his own preference: Greeks, Athenians and
East Greeks of the School of Aphrodisias in Asia Minor. Thus, (1) Hadrianic sculpture does not
continue where Trajan's left off, (2) like Augustus's choice of a distinctive
style, so too Hadrian's gave a new direction; Antonine style is unthinkable
without Hadrianic, and (3) in the first half of the second century, the
economic center of the empire was shifting east, and Hadrian's travels and
interest can only have hastened or put an imperial stamp on these shifts. The Villa Albani relief of Antinoos from Hadrian's Villa at Tivoli in
its smooth idealism, its new kind of classicism (based on
developments later than those inspiring Augustan classicism), its romantic and
glamorous mood is typical of the portraits of the divinized Antinoos (note: the
lower right corner of this relief is heavily restored, the rest mostly
OK). The Greek art of the
Hadrianic age is no longer the eclecticism of the first century B.C.; styles
had been evolving in Greek lands meanwhile (no matter that in this course we
haven't been watching them!).
[A 347] Our best examples of Hadrianic official
public sculpture keep rather odd company with Trajanic, Antonine, and
Constantinian sculptures on the oddest of ancient monuments, the triumphal arch
built, ca. 315, to commemorate Constantine's victory at the Milvian Bridge in
A.D. 312. Can it really be that no
one could be found in Rome capable of carving friezes to vie with those of the
pre-existing triumphal arches?
Maybe, because the friezes and other figures of Constantine's own time
on his arch look like the work of second-rate sarcophagus carvers: expressive,
yes; skillful, no. All the other
sculptures on the arch came from pre-existing diverse monuments of diverse
dates. The Hadrianic roundels on the Arch of Constantine are unique; we
suppose they came from a Hadrianic arch, but we have no record of one, and no
other arch has roundels, and their subject matter is hunting rather than
battles. The main character in
each roundel no longer looks like Hadrian, because the emperor's face (alone)
was recarved to resemble Constantine, beardless; Hadrian wore a beard, an
allusion to his interest in philosophy.
In two of the roundels, the god Silvanus (of the woods) is represented
by a statue in the guise of Antinoos.
None of that interested Constantine's builders; in 312-315, the job was
just to rear an arch in jig time.
An insensitive, or hasty, viewer might dismiss the roundels as
conservative, and in a sense they are; they conserve skills that will not be
seen again in Roman art. The
reliefs have been carved so that (without thinking) we read the background as
indefinite space with light and air; as in the Panathenaic frieze on the
Parthenon, this effect results from judiciously carving back to varying depths
and creating a mixture of sharper and darker or subtler shadows. Consequently, we read the figures as
free to move, only momentarily pausing, in their space--as alive. Hadrian was surely the best kind of
royal dilettante, one who really understood what he was looking at, if we may
judge from his choice of sculptors for important monuments. There were plenty of technically
proficient sculptors in the second century, so it surely is significant that he
chose one of the few who could handle ancient illusionism with the degree of
sensitivity and conviction that we see in the roundels.
[MG 164] In the later years of his reign Hadrian
travelled less and devoted a great deal of effort to the creation of a
cultivated and philosophical imperial retreat in the country, the Villa of Hadrian at Tivoli (if you want
to visit it, be sure you are taken to Hadrian's villa, or they will assume you
want to see the equally lovely Renaissance Villa d'Este at Tivoli). Here Hadrian, you might say, made the
world the way he wanted it to be.
What is the meaning of money and power? It is the ability to control your environment. This is highly innovative architecture
and landscape architecture (and when it was excavated in the 18th century it
provided lots of ideas for Enlightenment landscape architects). The buildings are original and
imaginative; we think the ideas are the emperor's own. Some features, new in Rome, such as the
alternation of free architraves and archivolts over the colonnade around the
"Canopus" (named for a Hellenistic city in northern Egypt where
Menelaos's helmsman, Canopus, was said to have been buried), may have
been used by architects in Asia Minor earlier. There is also a tiny private library-reading room on a round
moated (with a drawbridge for privacy) man-made island, very cleverly
designed--and much, much more.
Like Domitian's palace, Hadrian's villa would require a whole
lecture. Besides
"Canopus", he called buildings at the Villa "Poikile"
(after the Stoa of the Stoic philosophers) and "Academe" (after Plato's
Academy). There are other imperial
villas, but none other so elegant and original as this one.
********
No comments:
Post a Comment